The Sanctity of Life
Sunday, March 18, 2007
In an online discussion forum, someone linked to this article as an encouraging sign that evangelicals are breaking out of the Republican mold. I was skeptical, due to the frequent references to the “sanctity of life” as the core commitment motivating, for example, environmental concern. Similar arguments are often made to try to convince Christians that they should oppose the death penalty or the war in Iraq. We all know, however, that if opposition to abortion is at the core of Christian political action, everything else is ultimately dispensible — witness the crass threats made by certain Catholic bishops against anyone who would vote for a pro-choice candidate in 2004.
One might argue that it’s merely a contingent fact that opposition to abortion leads inexorably toward supporting reactionary politics. I’m not so sure, though. If we’re thinking in the most abstract sense possible, then being in favor of “life” does seem to cohere well with opposing the death penalty, war, pollution, etc. But let’s look at what this means in practice: being in favor of outlawing abortion means being in favor of giving the state the authority to force a woman to give birth to a child against her will. It means being in favor of giving the state the authority to claim that whenever a woman engages in consensual sex (since we know that there is no 100% effective birth-control method), she is implicitly consenting to become pregnant and give birth to a child — that is, the authority to determine that sex is always necessarily related to procreation. In this sense, opposition to homosexuality and contraception is much more coherent with opposition to abortion than is opposition to war or the death penalty.
On a more conceptual level, the rhetoric of the pro-life movement posits each individual “life” as standing in direct and unmediated relation to the state. I am not denying that the fetus is in some sense a “life” — though it is so largely as a potentiality rather than an actuality. But what is so pernicious about pro-life rhetoric is that it gives the state a claim over that minimal potential life from the very moment it comes into existence — a claim that gives the state the right basically to coerce the woman into preserving that minimal life until it emerges into a fuller actuality. What this ignores is the particular situation of pregnancy, the fact that a human life cannot emerge into actuality without a woman being party to it in a very serious and sometimes even life-threatening way. I have had discussions with pro-lifers, however, in which they viewed the fetus’s dependence on the woman as a simple matter of “location,” meaning that it was morally incoherent to allow a “life” to be “murdered” based on the contingent fact of its “location” — as though the woman is simply a machine for producing babies.
To refuse to devote one’s body to allowing that potential life to emerge is doubtless never an easy decision, nor should it be — this is where the rhetoric of “choice” is often much too simplistic. Yet the rhetoric of “choice” is much closer to the truth than the sheer moral idiocy that equates abortion with murder and with the Holocaust. The idea that the state should be in the business of regulating “life,” birth, sexuality, is much closer to the ideas that stood at the root of the Holocaust than is the idea that a woman should not be forced to bear a child against her will. Look at how often the opposition to abortion — so often coupled with opposition to homosexuality and contraception in these cases — is couched in terms of demography and relative racial advantage. (”The Mexicans will overrun us if our women keep extinguishing our beautiful white seed!”) One could argue that this extremism bears no relation to the moral concerns that motivate many pro-lifers, but that is much too equivocating a position — the pro-life movement is always necessarily complicit with a biology-based nationalism because it ultimately always instrumentalizes the female body.
In principle, then, I hold that one must be rigorously anti-family and unequivocally opposed to the “sanctity of life.” (I responded as such to the posting of the article on the online forum, and I received no responses.)
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 12:55 pm
Well said, sir.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:03 pm
“The idea that the state should be in the business of regulating “life,” birth, sexuality, is much closer to the ideas that stood at the root of the Holocaust than is the idea that a woman should not be forced to bear a child against her will.”
I would say just the opposite, actually. We’ve taken the “regulation of life” from the state level to an individual level. We have people decided who is worthy of living and who is not worthy of living. Even if you don’t think they are “alive” yet in the full sense of the term, there is still a choice being made about who lives and who doesn’t. I’d say that attempting to prevent this type of choice from being made is the exact opposite of the principles that stood behind the Holocaust. Just to be clear, I’m not comparing the deaths of millions of Holocaust victims to millions of abortions performed. I’m comparing them in that they both make people’s existence contingent on somebody else’s choice. This is where the rhetoric of choice truly fails.
But I agree with you that the rhetoric of choice also fails on it being a hard decision – all too often abortions are only considered due to a lack of choice. For many women, if they truly had a choice, abortion wouldn’t even be an option.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:15 pm
There is no decision made about “who” will live or die — there is no “who” there, no particular qualities or personhood.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:22 pm
As for existence depending on someone else’s choice — it just does. Your existence depends on the choice your parents made to have sex on a particular night.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:29 pm
You misunderstand what I said. In a culture where abortion is common, where every actual human could have at one time been aborted, all of our existences are contingent on somebody else’s choice. And after thinking about it, I don’t think this choice is all that individualized. Given what I said in my second paragraph, often the choice isn’t much of a choice at all and reflects the social policies of our government (and in that respect is quite racist, making it even closer to the principles behind the Holocaust).
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:32 pm
So you’re arguing that legalized abortion is tantamount to a government-run program of genocide. That’s awesome. You just can’t let go of the “abortion = Holocaust” analogy, can you?
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:38 pm
Sigh. No, that’s not what I’m saying. Forget it.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:41 pm
It’s possible that I understand what you’re saying and think it’s ridiculous.
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:49 pm
So you’re saying that you don’t understand my argument? ;)
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 5:58 pm
All of our parents could’ve used birth control the night we were conceived, too. Or dad could’ve pulled out.
You’re still understanding abortion on the model of murder, when I’m arguing that that is a serious distortion. Simply asserting things based on that assumption is not going to be convincing to me — it’s begging the question. First you need to convince me that abortion should be considered to be closer to murder than to contraception. (For the purpose of argument, let’s limit our discussion to early-term abortion — late-term abortions may be a more ambiguous case, but they’re also extremely rare and are almost never performed for reasons other than medical necessity.)
Sunday, March 18, 2007 at 6:03 pm
I said forget it.
Thursday, March 22, 2007 at 6:20 am
I’m stalking this thread.
I think he might be arguing that the rhetoric of choice is problematic because we are all in certain ways products of choice, or possibly ended by choice.
The rhetoric of choice is not particularly viable after the postmodern turn or whatever lame name we give it.
The problem is that people often think that if they can label a certain political movement or goal as genealogically tied to enlightenment notions of autonomous agentive selfhood, they have wholly upended that political movement or goal, and that’s just so obviously not the case that it’s hard to make any argument work with them.