On “grab bag” politics

One of my least popular views is that any “third way” beyond the traditional distinctions of left and right, other than just plain old liberalism, is going to be another variation on fascism. Another unpopular view of mine is that Catholic Social Teaching is, at the end of the day, an incoherent grab bag of ideas intended to give as many people as possible a point of identification with the Catholic Church — rather than, as some (almost invariably conservative) Catholic thinkers believe, a brilliantly insightful “third way” beyond our present political impasses.

People resist both views for a readily understandable reason: it doesn’t seem right that our political choices are left-wing revolution, right-wing reaction, or the stale, boring status quo. Given that genuinely left-wing views and organizations have become so diminished in the West, my scheme seems like a recipe for hopelessness as well. Change is so urgent, and it seems unacceptable that we’d need to rebuild left-wing political infrastructure first — can’t we see if we can convince evangelicals, for instance, that they should care about economic justice or the environment, as a kind of shortcut? We’ve got tons of Scripture references!

Such an approach is naive for a wide variety of reasons — and not just because it fundamentally misconstrues the way that Christians use Scripture, taking them at their word that they’re deriving their beliefs and practices “directly” from a sprawling, mutually contradictory collection of ancient texts. More importantly, it assumes that one can build alliances more or less at will, picking an assortment of left- and right-wing ideas. In reality, though, there’s every reason to assume that the historical sorting process that has put certain priorities on the “left” and others on the “right” of the political spectrum has been basically successful in assigning things that fit together to each side, at least over the long haul — because that process has taken place “on the ground,” where people actually need to work together. If their goals weren’t broadly compatible, they would re-sort. There are ambiguous points at any given historical moment, but it’s hard to imagine that things as well-established as women’s reproductive rights or environmentalism are currently on the wrong “side.”

Further: the sorting principle is ultimately based on a qualitative distinction between the left and the right. Speaking broadly, the left is in favor of equality and solidarity, while the right is in favor of authority and stable order. One can pick nits and cite proof texts all day long, but the fact remains that, for instance, the authoritarianism that leads evangelicals to embrace the “traditional family” and oppose sexual and reproductive freedom fits brilliantly with the view that capitalism is a fundamentally moral order that picks winners and losers based primarily on the merits. Attempts to pry that connection loose are bound to be superficial “gotcha” critiques — “but there’s this passage in the Bible!”

This brings me to the true purpose of “grab bag” politics, which is to change things enough that things don’t have to change fundamentally. A centrist Democrat can opportunistically take ideas from both sides of the spectrum because the goal of a centrist Democrat isn’t to produce any genuine change but to somehow “muddle through” with the existing setup. A more militant “third way” (i.e., fascist) movement is going to be facing a more fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the system and so will be open to more radical change, but the goal remains the same — to preserve the existing hierarchy. The left-wing ideas they accept will be oriented toward making the existing hierarchy more tolerable, but the same people will ultimately be in charge. A model here is the company that treats its workers more generously so that they won’t feel the need to unionize — they’re willing to give a lot of ground so as not to have to deal with a challenge to their authority.

So I repeat: the “third way” is going to be either plain old liberalism (in the broad sense, not the narrow American sense) and thus try to maintain the status quo or else it’s going to be a more militant reactionary movement that’s responding to a fundamental challenge to the status quo and is thus willing to make all kinds of opportunistic consessions in order to maintain the underlying structure of authority in society. In short, any “third way” that’s not just liberalism is fascism. (Sorry, Catholic Social Teaching fans! And localists…. And the few remaining people who think that Radical Orthodoxy is a genuinely progressive or left-wing movement….)

Left-wing movements can also be opportunistic, of course, but I don’t think you have the same claim to have found a brilliant, stable synthesis between left and right — instead, any “right-wing” measure is a kind of state of emergency, as exemplified in the authoritarianism of the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” It’s at this point, though, that I haven’t thought things through as clearly, so maybe we could discuss.

26 Responses to “On “grab bag” politics”

  1. Chris Schaefer Says:

    If you’re talking about some sort of retreat to 19th century socialism, I’m not sure I agree.

    I think about what it means to be ‘solidaire’. I live in France, so the word comes up whenever there is a strike…it can be translated ‘united’ or ‘connected’ or ‘standing together’ but those don’t quite capture the idea of solidarity inherent in the word.

    But the thing that gets me every time is the limits of that solidarity/fraternity. I also have lived in Morocco and I speak Arabic and I know a lot of Arabs here. After the Tunisian revolution, a ton ended up here. It caused a minor diplomatic crisis between Italy and France, to say nothing of the Tunisians.

    In the end, those who are not born in France (or perhaps more broadly in the European Union) fall outside the bounds of solidarity. For most on the French left, it is more important to protect workers in your own country than to be ‘solidaire’ in any way whatsoever with poorer workers in poorer countries.

    I guess I see a lot of the movements you denigrate as attempts to bridge this impasse. I’d probably agree with you that they haven’t lived up to their claims, but 19th century leftist solidarity still leaves something to be desired.

  2. Alex Says:

    Lucky we aren’t 19th century leftists!

  3. Adam Kotsko Says:

    Yeah, I’m not sure where you’re getting this 19th century thing.

  4. Chris Schaefer Says:

    Sorry. I shouldn’t have used ’19th century’ as a modifier. I should have just said ‘traditional leftist’ or something along those lines. In the back of my head I was thinking of the 19th century to mid 20th century hey day for unions.

  5. Chris Schaefer Says:

    …if unions ever really had a hey day.

  6. Chris Schaefer Says:

    Put another way, in a world which is so interconnected by travel, technology, and trade, solidarity must take into account the international context. And sometimes solidarity for the very poorest of this world will not benefit the poorest in rich societies (reducing trade barriers for products coming from poor countries for instance).

    Taking on the structures that keep the international proletariat down can actually make things worse for the national proletariat. I see no simple way around this conflict.

  7. Adam Kotsko Says:

    That’s all true, but I don’t think I was saying that actualizing left-wing principles was easy.

  8. Chris Schaefer Says:

    If it’s so difficult, then how can you be so sure that any non-traditional leftist political action is going to be fascist?

  9. Adam Kotsko Says:

    You seem to have confused matters so much that I honestly don’t know how to respond.

  10. Adam Kotsko Says:

    Or I wasn’t being clear? That’s possible too…

    I think there is a distinction we need to make. On the one hand, the fascist “third way” approach will often use left-wing policies opportunistically, but their goal is to shut the left wing up — as when a company treats its employees well in the hope that they will never want to form a union. On the other hand, I can easily envision an authentically left-wing movement making opportunistic use of right-wing policies, such as nationalism, as a kind of “emergency measure” that is meant to ameliorate conditions and lay the groundwork for further left-wing movement.

    The danger in the latter case is always that the emergency measure will become a new status quo, as happened with “socialism in one country” or with the labor movement in Western countries in the postwar era. I don’t think that the use of conservative or centrist policies on the part of left-wing politicians is done in the same spirit as when people claim to have found a “third way” beyond the traditional left and right.

  11. Chris Schaefer Says:

    Ok, I think I understand better now.

    When I first read you talking about Third Way, I immediately thought of Tony Blair. The unions were already broken under Thatcher, and he didn’t do much to restore the old order of things. But because Blair included labor’s freedom of movement in his grab bag of politics you had a lot of workers from countries like Poland coming to the UK and having a pretty nice improvement from their lives in Poland. That’s what I was originally referring to–grab bag ideas that eliminate parts of the new status quo you mention.

    So I guess what you’re saying is that Blair was essentially on the right but that he threw some bones to the left. That makes sense I guess. What I fail to see is how that is fascist. I guess I always saw Blair as trying to come up with a way to get rid of the old status quo in a creative way that didn’t exactly work out as expected and was politically feasible given the context. Blair as misled idealist, sure. Or maybe Blair as a misleading Machiavellian, sure. But Blair as Hitler or Mussolini…?

  12. Charlie Collier Says:

    I’ve hesitated to comment on this post, as the first go-round wasn’t terribly successful. My first thought was, I can comment and there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth, or I can let it go and avoid a blog meltdown. There’s no third way.

    But I think hearing more from you on a position you’ve clearly thought a good deal about yet which doesn’t make sense to me might be educational, at least for me. Perhaps if I just ask some questions about your analysis, I can get a better sense of why you’re staking out this “unpopular” position.

    First, you speak of revolution as one option, but the framing of the options seems anti-revolutionary to me. All the terms/positions are fixed, and all that can happen is more of what has already happened. So what would be revolutionary about a rebuilding of the Left? Hasn’t that revolution already happened, and didn’t it generate the very left/right polarization that you’re now insisting upon? Doesn’t the concept of revolution suggest that pre-revolutionary terms will be inadequate to post-revolutionary realities?

    The second question is related to the first. This seems a bit like an “end of history” thesis. The future is closed. The decisive political event has happened, and there’s no getting “beyond” it. Is that right? There’s no “future” that might surprise us with regards to left/right political developments? There’s no future in which this polarization will cease to make sense?

    Third, regarding the sorting principle, you see a brilliant resonance between evangelical views of order and stability and their embrace of capitalism. But I’m not sure why you don’t see this evangelical linkage as simply delusional (when you’re clearly quite comfortable and correct attacking delusional evangelical positions elsewhere, e.g., biblical hermeneutics). Isn’t capitalism (whatever the market will bear) even more destructive of traditional authority and the family than Christianity (un-married savior; apocalyptic religion that renders marriage optional; etc.). And conversely, isn’t the ideology of “choice” on the left (“the right to choose”) at least as resonant with capitalist logic as anything on the right?

  13. Adam Kotsko Says:

    The choice rhetoric seems to me to be more properly liberal than leftist.

  14. Adam Kotsko Says:

    As for the closure issue, I don’t get the objection. We have a system in place (in this case it’s capitalism). You can maintain the status quo (which corresponds to the centrist/liberal route). You can attempt to overthrow it (the left wing). Or, in the face of a serious threat, you can very aggressively reassert it (the right wing). What other options are there, just conceptually?

    What you say about how the decisive political event has already taken place and we’re at the end of history makes no sense. If the decisive political event was in the past, wouldn’t capitalism be over with?

    And the note about how capitalism endangers the family is misleading. It was bourgeois culture that set up the ideal of the nuclear family in the first place — and the need to support a family provides a crucial disciplinary tool for labor.

  15. Adam Kotsko Says:

    Chris,

    The use of the term “fascism” is admittedly inflammatory. A more moderate way to state my belief would be that if someone is claiming to have found a new Third Way beyond left and right, it’s either just rehashed liberalism (i.e., the classical “third way”/status quo), or it’s actually right wing. No “third way” solution can be genuinely left wing.

    In the case of Clinton or Blair, I wouldn’t call them properly right-wing — they’re just plain old boring liberals, it seems.

  16. Charlie Collier Says:

    The closure issue has precisely to do with foreclosing the future, by way of declaring in advance what’s possible and what’s not, based on conceptual analyses of the current terrain. I don’t see why we should want to claim in advance that some novel political development is impossible just because we cannot conceive of it. We’re not talking about imagining a square circle here; we’re talking about complex political phenomena against the backdrop of a contingent binary (left/right) and contingent political economy (capitalism) that dates back only a couple of hundred years. I’m not saying I think we’re likely to see a genuine, successful “third way” beyond left and right any time soon. Perhaps the point of your insistence is that we’re all internal to a profoundly powerful historical trajectory which carries with it a limited set of options, and coming up with new options is like trying to get outside of our skin. Still, does the fact that the past is prologue mean it has to be chapters, afterword, and appendices too?

    When I said “decisive political event” I was trying to think into your refusal to imagine a third way. All the options you espy are related to post-French Revolution political and political-economic realities. It’s as if you’re saying—that was it; that’s the decisive set of terrain-establishing events beyond which we’ll never get. Even if left-wing revolution succeeds in over-turning capitalist hegemony, it will only be confirming what we already know right now—the only options have already been revealed to us. To shift into theological language, the kingdom is not year hear in its fulness, but its contours have been made clear.

    Can you say more about “choice” being more liberal than “left”? I mentioned it because you pointed to reproductive rights as being correctly sorted to the left.

  17. Adam Kotsko Says:

    So “choice” is the only reason that you can think of to support reproductive rights?

    Also, do you think I’m calling for a return to the Soviet Union or something? And do you think it will somehow turn out that capitalism will not have been the decisive political problem? I guess that’s possible, in theory. But! “Third Way” solutions are explicitly an attempt to “get beyond” the categories of left and right. They’re every bit as much within that horizon. And they’re going to be either broadly conservative (i.e., status-quo preserving) or else reactionary.

    Why is that? It’s because I view the political situation under capitalism as fundamentally one of conflict — class struggle, to use the old-fashioned language. When you’re confronted with that basic conflict, you have three options. You can attempt to mediate it (center). You can attempt to overthrow it from the side of the subordinate class (left). Or you can attempt to reassert the dominance of the ruling class in the face of such a challenge (right). This is just how it is. The only reason to claim a novel synthesis of previously conflicting views is either to paper over the conflict (center) or else discredit left demands entirely (right).

    It may be that there’s some completely unprecedented way to overthrow capitalism. I hope so, because the previous attempts have failed! But whatever comes next will replace capitalism, by definition, because capitalism is what we have now. That’s not some kind of eschatological fatalism — that’s simple reality. It’s the same for if you wanted to replace the U.S. Constitution — you would be replacing the current one, just by definition. If you didn’t want to replace it, you’d be amending it, even if you amended it a lot.

  18. Adam Kotsko Says:

    Maybe the traditional left has misidentified the nature of the conflict! Maybe it’s not worker-capitalist, but debtor-creditor, for instance. Maybe it turns out that the bigger problem isn’t exploitation, but exclusion (i.e., unemployment). Given that the left has experienced such a precipitous decline, rethinking such issues is absolutely necessary. It may also be that in the near-term, the only things that are remotely achievable are “reforms” rather than anything that could meaningfully be called the overthrow of capitalism — indeed, that seems pretty likely, though how would I know? So I don’t see the “closure” you’re worried about.

  19. Hill Says:

    I thought you achieved some particularly lucid formulations in these last couple of comments, Adam, however exasperating they may have been to write.

  20. Adam Kotsko Says:

    Glad to be of service. I can’t wait until Charlie comes back and reasserts what he was saying before I wrote all that.

  21. Charlie Collier Says:

    If this is exasperating to Adam, I’m fine with ending my participation here. I thought Adam, in reiterating what he called one of his least popular views, was perhaps interested in discussing it with people who are not yet persuaded.

  22. Adam Kotsko Says:

    One sign of “interest” would be if someone critiqued my view, then I responded at length, elaborating it in a fresh way.

  23. Charlie Collier Says:

    Sorry if I misread the exchange with Hill. I did appreciate the longer responses. I’ll comment again when I’ve had a chance to think more about them.

  24. Hill Says:

    By least popular, I think he means “most likely to cause Hill to vent unrelated frustrations via blog commentary.”

  25. Apocryphon Says:

    This entry seems to have a very American point of view. Europeans and Latin Americans already have a viable third way. It’s called Christian Democracy. What’s so crypto-fascist about that? If anything, CD was a reaction against fascism. And it’s an ideology that’s not solely based on CST, either, but also on the works of Calvinist Abraham Kuyper.

  26. The ‘Third Way’ of the Middle Class | impleri Says:

    [...] been contemplating Adam Kotsko’s attitude towards ‘third way’ solutions (e.g. here). For the longest time, I have been a proponent of a ‘third way’ that would synthesise [...]


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